Anglo – Saxon Agonality
In 1897, the French scholar Edmond Demolin (1852-1907) published his book "A quoi tient la Superiorite es Anglosaxons". From the title of the work, one can conclude that the author is trying to explain the superiority of the Anglo-Saxons, an opinion which already existed in Europe at that time
Anglo-Saxon superiority! Although we do not all acknowledge it, we all have to bear it, and we all dread it; the apprehension, suspicion, and sometimes the hatred provoked by L'Anglais proclaim the fact loudly enough (DEMOLINS EDMOND. 1899: xxvii).
In our time of liberal humanism, it is politically incorrect to talk about the superiority of any nation over others. However, the existence of more and less developed countries, with differences in the living standards of their populations, forces theorists to look for the reasons for this phenomenon. Most recently, a book was published, and the authors confidently answer why nations decline (ACEMOGLU DARON and ROBINSON JAMES. 2024.) The short answer is the unpredictability of the course of history, which is contained in the title of one of the sections of the book (Ibid, 98-100). This idea runs like a red thread throughout the text and forms the so-called inclusive theory, the essence of which is that the peculiarities of the socio-economic system of countries are dictated by the political institutions existing in them. One can agree with this, but the very existence of different political institutions has its reasons, not only historical ones, which will be discussed in this article.
Demolins' book had an extraordinary success with the French reader, as evidenced by its publication five times in two months. Demolins states this two years later in an English translation, which also speaks of an interest in it in England (Ibid: 389). These facts allow us to assume that the opinion of the superiority of the Anglo-Saxons not only existed but was widespread in the public consciousness of Europe. The very concept of superiority is emotional and is based on a subjective assessment of historical events following the worldview that was dominant in France at the time::
In this work, by the application of the methods of social analysis devised by F. Le Play and completed by H. de Tourville, I seek to carefully isolate and exclusively consider the phenomena which appear to be derived from Anglo-Saxon influence, because these phenomena alone ensure for England and the United States have their social originality and superiority. Above all, I endeavour to make a clear distinction between these phenomena and the customs and institutions peculiar to the Celts and Normans [DEMOLINS EDMOND. 1899: ix].
However, Demolins, speaking of the superiority of the Anglo-Saxons, does not directly state the reason for it he does not have a definite opinion on this matter. His assumptions are speculative. Distinguishing between the Anglo-Saxons and the peoples of Celtic origin, including the Irish and the Scots, Demolins claims that the Celts were originally shepherds and later did not like to engage in agriculture, which determined their fate. Further, he notes the difference between the Saxons and the Angles, referring to the sociological research of de Tourville. If the Saxons, farmers due to the natural conditions in their ancestral homeland, were engaged in agriculture and were content with a small plot of land that they could cultivate themselves, then the Angles sought to expand their territory and dominate it, rather than engage in agriculture themselves (Ibid: x, xv). Further, he repeatedly emphasizes the Anglo-Saxons' commitment to the land, their individualism, and the predominance of private life over public life. This contradicts both the colonial expansion of the Anglo-Saxons in the New Age and their leading position among other peoples in ancient history, which will be discussed here.
In another place, Demolin explains the superiority of the Anglo-Saxons by the organization of education and upbringing of youth in Britain, which had a practical orientation and distinguished the British school from the French and German. He then describes the difference in the behavior of the Anglo-Saxons and the French in private and public life. However, all this is not the cause, but the effect of some existing advantage, that is, the cause and effect in this case were synergistic.
The purpose of this article is to show that the superiority of the Anglo-Saxons was formed due to the great political experience acquired in the course of a thousand-year history, although certain natural qualities were the basis and catalyst for the political activity of the Anglo-Saxons.
Genetics of behavior studies the basics of behavior and all that is associated with it – mental illness, a propensity for divorce, political preferences, and even a feeling of satisfaction with life. Evolutionary psychology is looking for mechanisms through which these features pass from generation to generation. Both approaches suggest that nature and education are involved in the formation of behavior, thoughts, and emotions, but in contrast to the practice of the twentieth-century nature has preference now (CSIKSZENTMIHALYI MIHALY. 2008: 89)
The French sociologist Gabriel Tarde (1843 – 1904) believed that all social life is largely based on the instinct of people to imitate each other, and there is much evidence of this in everyday life (TARDE GABRIEL. 2011). In this sense, some people can be an example and a role model for others. In principle, this means that everyone has the same natural chances for achievement in all social life areas. However, it should be recognized that some people may have an advantage over others from birth due to certain qualities that are passed on by inheritance. Since the past determines the future, their descendants will retain this advantage for many centuries if these qualities are consciously maintained through the upbringing of children.
As a result of the research on ethnogenetic processes in Eastern Europe, it was found that the descendants of some nations that once played a significant role in history are not distinguished by anything special at present. Others, however, have retained their influence in the world. This is also indicated by other facts, which gave grounds for American scientists to title their work “Why Nations Decline” (AGEMOGLU DARON and ROBINSON JAMES A. 2012). They give their own explanation for this phenomenon, but the reason lies in their ethnopsychological feature, which can be called agonality. By this concept we will understand the desire of being for its own affirmation. This topic is devoted to an article by a Russian sociologist from Krasnodar, who notes the expansion of the field of interpretation of agonality in our time, gives it such a definition, and tries to clarify its essence (YAROVOY A.V. 2010, 36). Such a feature should be inherent in different nations to varying degrees.
A review of the reconstructed ancient history of the Anglo-Saxons allows us to speak about the high-level agonism of the Anglo-Saxons, which manifested itself in a constant struggle for existence. The internal content of such a struggle can be designated as follows:
The colliding forces form an order as a result of the clash of the forces that have won the victory, and therefore command, and the forces that have been defeated and therefore suffer. Agon in this case is a mechanism for setting the limit of aggressiveness and at the same time serves as the development of a model that entails victory (Ibid: 40).
The conclusion about the level of agonality of the Anglo-Saxons is made taking into account determinism as a doctrine of general causality, interconnectionб and conditionality of various phenomena and processes in the Universe, which is recognized by many thinkers and has been used in research, at least since the time of Newton and Vico:
The great physical tradition of Newton had necessarily been one of determinism, where a perfect knowledge of the universe at one instant is understood to involve perfect knowledge of its history throughout all time (WIENER NORBERT. 1956: 34.)
Historical processes are much more complex than physical ones, since they involve a person with free will, but the principle of determinism must be present in them. Acemoglu and Robinson agree with this, arguing that to understand why inequality exists between peoples, we need to delve into the past and study the historical dynamics of societies (AGEMOGLU DARON and ROBINSON JAMES. 2024: 9). However, observations in everyday life also convince us that future events are to a certain extent determined by the past. The knowledge acquired in childhood influences the future life path of a person; the capitals accumulated by parents provide the best starting opportunities for their children; the language formed in the past affects the mentality of an individual people in the present; practical experience in certain areas of human activity facilitates the assimilation and implementation of new achievements in science and technology. A loan taken from a bank determines human behavior for many years to come. The history of human society, consisting of many similar events, cannot be undetermined. Based on such general reasoning, we will try to evaluate the judgment about the historical superiority of the Anglo-Saxons, an opinion that was formed after many years of research into the ethnogenetic processes that took place on the territory of Eurasia.
In 1215, the Magna Carta Libertatum was adopted in England, which laid the foundations for human rights in the state and whose provisions are still in force today. The World Industrial Revolution also began in England. Technological advances, the engine of business expansion and investment, and the effective use of skills and talent became possible thanks to inclusive economic institutions that developed in England thanks to the inclusive political institutions that existed there (ibid., 93). This is evidenced by the restoration of their history using an interdisciplinary approach combining comparative-historical linguistics, geography, onomastics, data from historical documents, and modern information technology. In particular, Anglo-Saxon toponymy of all Eurasia in the amount of more than 1500 units was entered into Google My Maps (see Map 1).
Map 1.The Anglo-Saxon Place Names in Continental Europe
On the map most of the Anglo-Saxon place name is indicated by dark-red points. The settlements of Markovo, Markino, and similar have purple color.
The yellow space is Sarmatia. The red asterisks mark the battlefields at Adrianople (378) and on the Catalaunian Plains (451) which in the Alans took part.
The map also shows the village of Konyatyn, Chernihiv region, which was supposedly the residence of a local tribal leader.
In this way, the Anglo-Saxon homeland was determined in the ethno-forming area limited by the Pripyat, Teterev, and Sluch Rivers (see Map 2), and this marked the direction of further research (STETSYUK VALENTYN 1998: 75-77). The area is divided into three roughly equal parts by the Uzh and Ubort Rivers. It can be assumed that these subareas formed close German dialects, the speakers of which formed three separate ethnic units (Angles, Saxes, and Jutes). The Anglo-Saxon homeland is located north of the Scythian settlements in the Black Sea steppes. The name of the city of Zhytomyr, which has survived since then, can be explained as a "protective border" (from the Scythians) based on OE. scyttan "close" and meræ "border".
Map 2. The territory of the Germanic languages in II BC.
Toponymy, anthroponymy, and mythology testify that the Scythians were the Bulgars, the ancestors of the modern Chuvash. Although the Anglo-Saxons were significantly inferior to the Bulgars in terms of numbers, they left an expressive mark in Scythian history.
The very Greek name of the Scythians Σκυθαι comes from OE. scytta "shooter". The Scythians were considered the best archers, and in ancient Greece, the ethnonym "Scythian" was considered a synonym for an arrow. Also, some realities of the Scythian time are deciphered using the Old English language, for example:
ακινακεσ (akinakes), a short iron Scythian sword – OE. ǽces "an ax" and nǽcan "to kill".
Many proper names, geographical names, and ethnonyms of the Scythian-Sarmatian times can also be deciphered using Old English or Old Saxon languages. All of them are summarized in Alano-Anglo-Saxon Onomasticon and below are some excerpts from it:
Αγαθιρσ (agathirs), Αγαθιρσοι (agatirsoi) – OE đyrs (thyrs) "giant, demon, magician" is well suited both for the name and for the ethnonym. For the first part of the name we find ege “fear, horror”, together “terrible giants or demons” or OE āga "owner", āgan "to have, take, receive, possess".
Αναχαρσισ (Anakharsis) – OE. āno „without”, OE. hors/hyrs (Eng. horse) (that is "horseless").
Βορυσθενεοσ (Boristheneos), the Dnieper River – OE. bearu, Gen. bearwes „forest”, đennan "to expand, extend".
Budinoi (Budinoi), perhaps even "Wudinoi", according to Herodotus, were the inhabitants of the forest country. In this case, OE widu, wudu "wood, forest", and Eng wooden by the meaning and phonetically are suitable perfect. The word wuden was not found in Old English but it could exist and be an adjective von "forest" on the laws of English grammar.
Ιδανθιρσοσ (Idantirsos), Scythian king – OE eadan "performed, satisfied” and đyrs "a giant, demon, wizard".
Even though some Anglo-Saxons migrated to the West for some time, many remained in Eastern Europe. The tribes of Neuroi and Melanchlaeni can be associated with them. They also constituted the ruling elite of the Scythians (see Royal Scythia and its capital). At the late stage of the Trzyniec culture, part of the Anglo-Saxons moved to the left bank of the Dnieper and they became the creators of the Sosnitsa culture, which over time developed into the Lebedov culture (XI-VIII centuries BC), after some time a new group of relatives joined them. Herodotus points out that the Neuroi (gr. Νευροί) left their homeland and settled among the Budins (IV, 105), whom many scientists associate specifically with the ancestors of the Mordovians, certain grounds for such an assumption exists. OE neowe, niowe mean „new”, substantivization of the word could give neower “new arrival”. The Anglo-Saxons could not call themselves newcomers; it is logical to assume that such a name could have been given to them by local settlers, that is, those Anglo-Saxons who came here earlier during the existence of the Trzyniec culture. This first wave of Anglo-Saxons, judging by the place names and distribution of East Trzyniec sites inhabited the Seim and Lower Desna basins. To the south, along the banks of the Sula and Pslo, there were settlements of the Mordovians-Moksha, who arrived there from their ancestral home at the upper reaches of the Oka. The growing number of Anglo-Saxons forced them to gradually advance through Sula, Psel, and Vorskla to the upper reaches of the Seversky Donets. They established their settlements among the Mordovians, as evidenced by the vocabulary matches between English and the Moksha language (see section "The Expansion of the Finno-Ugric Peoples"). Herodotus placed the Melanchlaeni (gr. Μελαγχλαινοι) to the north of the royal Scythians and explained their name as “dressed in black” (Gr. μελασ “black”, χλαι̃να “outer clothing”.
In fact, this name is Old English, which Herodotus reinterpreted in his way. Ancient English had a proper name Mealling, derived from OE a-meallian “to become mad, reckless” (see Holthausen F. 1974: 216), which, together with OE. hleonian "defend" was used by the newly arrived Anglo-Saxons to name their kinsmen. One might think that they were especially warlike and it was they who had to settle among the Mordovian settlements and take control of them. This interpretation is confirmed by the conclusions of archaeologists:
Actually, we do not associate with the Melanchlaeni the entire population of the forest-steppe part of the Seversky Donets basin, but only its military-aristocratic elite with their elite subculture. Its existence is evidenced by burials under the mounds in the Karavan group of the Lyubotinsky burial ground, Korotychansky, Protopopovsky, Pesochinsky, and Staromerchansky burial mounds [BUYNOV Yu.V. 2009: 14).
Some part of the Anglo-Saxons occupied the area in the Donbas, rich in deposits of copper ores, which shows the accumulation of place names around the Kartamysh copper mine north of Debaltseve. By taking control of the copper ore industry and metalworking, they achieved economic superiority over the multilingual population of the Northern Black Sea region and, as a result, political dominance. Over time, Angl0-Saxons became the head of the Sarmatian union of tribes under the name of Alans, which is described in detail in the article "Alans-Angles-Saxons" but here it is worth mentioning important historical evidence about the location of the ancestral home of the Anglo-Saxons. The author of the Old English poem "Widsith" reports that he arrived at the court of the king of the Ostrogoths, Ermanaric (IV century AD) from the east [CHAMBERS R.W. 1912, 189].
The Hun invasion forced the Alans to leave the Northern Black Sea region. Some moved to Western Europe, others retreated to the North Caucasus, and still, others migrated to the Volga region. Continuing to play the role of leaders among the peoples of the North Caucasus, the Alans established their state, known in history as the Khazar Khaganate. This topic is discussed in the article "Khazars", but here we will only indicate that the titles of the ruling elite of the kaganate are deciphered using the Old English language:
The supreme ruler of the ruling duumvirate was hakan – OE. heah "high, great" and ān "single".
Hakan's co-ruler shad – OE. scead "shadden".
Local governorstudun – OE. đeoden "king, lord".
The Khazars called themselves "the retinue of the messenger" (OE. hōs "retinue", ār "messenger, herald, angel"). The capital of the Khaganate could be a town located in the Volga delta in the place of the city of Summerkent. It was mentioned in the description of his journey to the eastern countries by William of Rubruck. The Alans, i.e. the Angles dwelled in this city at that time (RUBRUCK WILLIAM de. 1957: chap.49). The Khazar name of the capital, like the Volga River, was Itil (Atil) out of OE. æđel "noble, noble, beautiful". Another big city of the Khazars was Saxin (KHVOLSON D.A. 1869: 63).
Later, the Alans were among the many peoples known from the annals under the common name of the Cumans. In the North Caucasus, namely to the north of the Klukhor Pass, the last Alans in the amount of "a thousand souls" remained at the end of the 18th century, as reported by the traveler and archaeologist Jan Potocki in 1797 (ZUKERMAN C. 2005Ö 82). And a few tens of kilometers from this pass, in the valley of the Bolshoy Zelenchuk, in 1888 a stone stele was found with an inscription that can be deciphered using the Old English language as follows: "Sax Nikolai is buried here, doomed to death by a treacherous arrow of an insidious servant, decorated with a strong pillar adorning the way – gave the nephew Theophilus". Perhaps here was the grave of the Cumanic Khan Sakz', who had a brother Begubars, whose name can be deciphered using OE. beg “berry” and ūfer “shore” (generally “currant”, cf. Ukrainian porіchki “berries along rivers” meaning “currants”). Other Anglo-Saxons among the Polovtsian khans could be Iskal and Kytan (For more on this, see in Russian Zelenchuk inscription).
The Alans, who spread across the East European Plain, left traces of their presence in more than 700 toponyms, among which the most common are: Markovo (97 settlements), Levkovo (25), Churilovo (24), Ryazanovo (22), Fatyanovo (18), Boldino (11), Burkovo (10). They have such explanations:
Markovo, Markino and similar – OE. mearc, mearca "border", "sign", "mark", "county", "designated space".
Levkovo, Levkivka, Levkiv a.o. – OE. lēf «weak», cofa «hut, cabin».
Churilovo –OE.ceorl "a man, peasant, husband", Eng. churl.
Ryazanovo – OE rāsian "to explore, investigate".
Fatyanovo – OE. fatian "to get".
Boldino – OE bold "house, home".
Burkovo – OE burg "borough".
Initially, the Anglo-Saxons concentrated on the interfluve of the Volga and Oka. From time immemorial, Finno-Ugric tribes lived in these places, and the Slavs advanced here only at the end of the first millennium AD, but even before their arrival, cities already existed here, the names of which indicate that they were founded by the Anglo-Saxons:
Murom, a town in Vladimir Region – OE mūr «wall», ōm «rust».
Rostov, a town in Yaroslavl Region – OE. rūst "rust".
Suzdal, a city in Vladimir Region – OE. swæs «nice, pleasant, loved», dale «valley».
Ryazan a city, the administrative center of Region. – OE. rāsian "examine", "study", "test".
On the opposite bank of the Volga, the settlements of the Bulgars were concentrated, who also moved there from the Black Sea steppes simultaneously with the Anglo-Saxons, but arrived there from Khazaria later. Events in the Middle Volga region at the end of the first millennium AD vastly impacted the history of Europe. After the economic rapprochement of Khazaria with the Arabs, Muslim merchants from the countries of the Arab Caliphate began to visit this country for barter with the local population from the end of the 8th century (KOMAR A.V. 2017: 61, 67). In exchange for the furs of sables, squirrels, ermines, ferrets, martens, foxes, beavers, goat and horse skins, wax, honey, fish glue, beaver stream, amber, and slaves, merchants offered luxury items and silver. Attracted by the possibility of quick enrichment, the Varangians from Scandinavia also began to penetrate here.
The activity of the Varangians ensured the influx of huge capital into Western Europe in the form of silver, the size of which can be judged by the content of treasures found along the routes of their trade and predatory campaigns. On these routes, export-import operations brought merchants fabulous profits, reaching 1000% (KIRPICHBIKOV A.N. 2006: 34). The slave trade was especially lucrative. The amount of money supply in circulation at that time can be judged by the composition and number of random finds of treasures containing coins of different minting. There are about 700 hoards of Kufic dirhams in European Russia, and at the same time, there are finds with several hundred and even thousands of coins. In the hoard found in Murom, two copper jugs contained 11 thousand dirhams of the 8th-10th centuries with a total weight of about 42 kg (VEKSLER A.G., MELNIKOVA A.S. 1973: 18). Such an abundance of treasures suggests that a significant part of the trading capital was concentrated in the hands of the ruling elite of the Anglo-Saxons, who robbed the indigenous population and supplied furs, slaves, and other goods to the Varangians. Rostov and Murom were the administrative centers of the two dominant Anglo-Saxon tribes in the territories of the later Vladimir-Suzdal and Muromo-Ryazan principalities.
Russian historians, in particular, V.O. Klyuchevsky do not see a clear answer to the question of what soil the new Upper Volga Rus grew up in (KLUCHEVSKY V.O. 1956: 272). S.M. Solovyov called the fall of Kyiv after its capture by Andrey Bogolyubsky in 1169 "an event of the greatest importance, a turning point, from which history took a new course, from which a new order of things began in Russia" (SOLOVYOV S.M.. 1969. Book II, chapter 6). According to the logic of things, the interception of the initiative of state building from Kyiv by the "Upper Volga Rus" is difficult to explain if you do not know the prehistory. From the second quarter and the middle of the XI century, with developing the path "from the Varangians to the Greeks", close trade and cultural and political ties between Kyiv and Byzantium begin. Thus, Kyiv learned from it the experience of state building and the development of state traditions. There, a dynastic rule is established by people “ready to convert economic dominance into political domination” (TOLOCHKO ALEKSEY, 2015: 314).In this sense, the region of the Upper Volga turned out to be better prepared than Kyiv. The son of the Grand Duke of Kyiv Vladimir Monomakh, Yuri Dolgoruky, having become the prince of Rostov-Suzdal, used local capital to develop the principality by building new cities. For this, craftsmen and working hands were needed, he gathered people from everywhere, but mainly from the south, and provided them with a considerable loan and other assistance (KORSAKOV D. 1872: 76). No information about where he took the money from was preserved in the annals, but his successors used the same sources. His son Andrey Bogolyubsky had already strengthened himself so much that he was able to organize an aggressive campaign against Kyiv, which led to its decline. 12 Russian princes participated in the campaign, with Cumanic princes and Hungarians who joined them, Czechs, Poles, Lithuania, and many hosts simultaneously moving to Kyiv (TOLOCHKO PETRO. 1996: 123). Historians do not find any visible reasons for such an organized campaign to destroy the capital of the principality, which could not be hostile to all its close and distant neighbors. The unification of heterogeneous forces can only be explained by the intention of Andrey Bogolubsky, who alone had sufficient funds to organize and finance this great undertaking. Bogolyubsky did not begin to reign in Kyiv but put his younger brother in the reign, thus becoming the founder of a new state. The wealth accumulated by the Anglo-Saxons over the centuries became the starting capital for the formation of the future empire.
It is clear that the ongoing expropriation of private property from the owners, necessary for further state development, could not be done without conflicts between Bogolyubsky and the Anglo-Saxon nobility. The feud ended in a conspiracy that resulted in the killing Bogolyubsky. Two years after the assassination, most of the conspirators were executed, and this did not foreshadow the reconciliation of the Vladimir princely government with the Anglo-Saxons, who had great influence in Suzdal and Rostov. Knowing the further fate of the Anglo-Saxons, it is fashionable to assume that, fearing further persecution and being unable to resist the growing Vladimir, their leaders considered it best to take most of their fellow tribesmen beyond the Urals. The rest tried to go from Vladimir quickly and concentrated in the Moscow region, as evidenced by the accumulation of Anglo-Saxon place names around it (see Map 3), the very name of Moscow (in the annals of Moscowa) originated from OE. mos "swamp", and cofa "shack, hut". Other most expressive place names are the following:
Dedenevo, an urban locality – OE. dead "dead", eanian "to lamb, yean".
Dydyldino, a village in Leninsky district, Moscow Region – OE. dead "dead", ielde "people".
Chertanovo, a housing area in Moscow – OE. ceart "a wasteland, wild common land".
Fofanovo, a village in Dmitrovsky district, Moscow Region– OE fā "colorful, motley, potted, dyed", fana "cloth".
Map 3. Anglo-Saxon place names near Moscow.
Kartmazovo, a rural locality in Moskovsky Settlement – OE. ceart "a wasteland, wild common land", māga "son, descendant".
Kitay-gorod, a cultural and historical area within the central part of Moscow – OE. ciete "hut, cabin".
Kuntsevo, a district of Moscow – OE cynca "cluster, bunch".
Ladoga – OE. lāđ "dangerous, hostile" and -gē OS. -gā "place, space"/
Lytkarino, a town in Moscow Region – OE. lyt "little", carr "stone, rock".
Mamyri, a village in Novomoskovsky Administrative district of Moscow – OE. mamor(a) "deep sleep".
Miusy, a historical district in Moscow – OE. mēos "swamp, bog".
Penyagino, a former village that became part of Moscow in 1984 – OE. pæneg "coin, money".
Sin'kovo, a village in Dmitrovsky district – OE. sinc "treasure, riches".
White Rast, a village in Dmitrovsky district – OE. ræst "quiet, calm".
The subsequent rise of Moscow from a small village to the level of the capital of a great empire cannot be explained otherwise than by the influence of the Anglo-Saxons on the beginning of this process.
Meanwhile, the Anglo-Saxons beyond the Urals established the Pelym principality existing until the end of the 16th century on the site of the accumulation of Anglo-Saxon place names around the city of Tyumen. The basis of the principality's economy was to be made up of furs as a subject of trade, reflected in the name of the village Nіkhvor, the name of which can be associated with OE. neahhe "sufficient, plentiful" waru "goods". Judging by toponymy, the Anglo-Saxons moved further east from Tyumen. To facilitate the advancement of the communication routes, they were forced to arrange small settlements to provide short-term rest for travelers and horses at night and in bad weather, to eliminate technical problems, etc. Such settlements eventually received the names yams not at all of Turkic origin, as is commonly thought but developed from OE. hām "house, dwelling", "home". There were few attendants at such stations, and they formed a well-functioning system, managed in an organized manner. This practice spread throughout Siberia, being borrowed by many people. The organization of movement that justified itself laid the foundation for the colonization of Siberia and the Far East long before the arrival of the Russians. All Anglo-Saxon toponyms reflecting the path of the Anglo-Saxons in Asia are mapped in the Google My Mape system, the screen from which is given below.
The topic of the colonization of Siberia by the Anglo-Saxons is considered separately (see the article The Development of Siberia and the Far East), we briefly dwell on the Anglo-Saxon origin of Genghis Khan.
The only sources used to reconstruct the events of the early history of the Mongolian state are the official version, which passed strict government censorship, and the work of the unknown author "The Secret History of the Mongols". The version about the origin of Genghis Khan was developed precisely from this source. According to this version, his parents were the Merkits, whom we identify with the Anglo-Saxons.
Genghis Khan's father, Yesügei Ba'atur, with the help of his brothers took away Hö'elün Üjin, the wife of a noble Merkit named Yeke Čiledü. The description of this episode was taken from the literal English translation of "The History" and it says that in appearance the kidnappers were other [in countenance] than all the others (CLEAVES FRANCIS WOODMAN, 1982: 12). In free translations (retellings), the word "other" is not taken into account, therefore, they usually refer to the expression on the faces of the brothers, which supposedly betrayed their intention to take Čiledü's life. Facial expressions vary and do not always warn of danger. On the contrary, a different appearance, as a constant feature, indicates belonging to an alien tribe that can be hostile, this is already dangerous. From the text, it is quite clear that Hö'elün herself suggested that Čiledü run away, but first, she asked if he had noticed a different (unusual) appearance of strangers. And it was their appearance that aroused her suspicion and served as the reason for advising her husband to flee. In addition, Yesügei, at first glance at Hö'elün, also drew attention to her unusual beauty for the Mongols, which attracted him to her (ibid). Onon Urgunge even writes that "he saw a woman of unique color and complexion" (ONON URGUNGE. 2001: 54). When a woman struck Yesügei with her beauty, the expression on his face could not be intimidating.
In the description of this episode, another English translator of "The History" indicates that the appearance of the kidnappers was strange (odd), and the woman was unusually beautiful that can be understood in different ways (RACHEWILTZ, IGOR de. 2015: 10). The described episode played a big role in the fate of Genghis Khan. It should be assumed that Hö'elün, when she was abducted, was already pregnant from Čiledü since Genghis Khan was fair-haired and blue-eyed, Rashid ad-Din wrote that even all the descendants of Yesugei were "mostly blue-eyed and red" (RASHID-al-DIN, FAZALLAH: 49). These features could be inherited by Genghis Khan only from his mother because all the Mongols are brunettes. However, blond hair and blue (gray) eyes are inherited approximately as a recessive trait controlled by one gene, so children will have these traits if the necessary genes are on both parent's chromosomes. Therefore, it must be assumed that Hö'elün was already pregnant by Čiledü, also a blond, at the time of her abduction. The description of Hö'elün's abduction could only be in "The History" from her words. Even its romantic nature speaks about this, but no one could think of the kidnappers having an unusual appearance, and she only wanted to emphasize this fact. Thus, we can conclude that the Merkits were blond, just like the Anglo-Saxons. More arguments in favor of the Anglo-Saxon origin of Genghis Khan are given in the article Anglo-Saxons in Genghis Khan's Fate.
Apparently, the Merkits inhabited Dauria, a country in Transbaikalia, where there is an accumulation of Anglo-Saxon place names. Economically, this country was significantly superior to its neighboring regions. Attracted by the wealth of Dauria, the Russian authorities located in Yakutsk, sent several expeditions to conquer it. The country was conquered “by fire and sword,” but its population chose to escape trouble to Manchuria.
The facts presented here and the conclusions that follow from them have no clear evidence in historical documents. And this also gives rise to reflection. Despite the political role that the Anglo-Saxons played for thousands of years, there is no sign of their desire to demonstrate their power, that is, we can speak of a complete absence of vanity. The Anglo-Saxons' activities could only be motivated by practical interests and an innate desire for management. The Anglo-Saxons were not interested in power, but only in the best use of the existing circumstances in their interests. And if they demonstrated particular militancy, then the reason for this was special circumstances. When circumstances showed the futility of achieving the goal by force, they preferred to avoid the fight if an opportunity arose to realize their capabilities in other favorable conditions. This can explain their exit from the Vladimir-Suzdal Principality beyond the Urals and from Dauria to Manchuria.
At present, the Anglo-Saxons largely determine the great support that the United States and Great Britain provided to Ukraine in the war with Russia. The outcome of the war will provide an answer to the question of what guided these countries in supporting Ukraine – the desire to destroy Russia as an empire or to preserve a certain world order, that is, we will be able to more fully understand the features of the phenomenon of agonality exhibited by the Anglo-Saxons. The matter is complicated because the Anglo-Saxons laid the foundations of Russian statehood and their agonality is present in Russians.
The Anglo-Saxon agonality that has manifested in history has not disappeared and is reflected in sports today. At the 2024 Olympics, the Anglo-Saxons, who made up the overwhelming majority of the teams in Great Britain, Canada, and Australia, won one and a half times as many medals as the representatives of China, whose population is ten times larger than the population of these countries. If you include the Anglo-Saxons of the United States, the advantage becomes astounding.
In conclusion, it should be emphasized again that Anglo-Saxon agonality is a synergetic interaction of genetic heritage and practical experience. During the migrations of the Anglo-Saxons, experience was lost, but genetics continued to play its role in the new natural conditions. Anglo-Saxon agonality developed further as new experience was gained and brought new success. The ideas and methods of the Anglo-Saxons could be borrowed, but the necessary course of action for implementation can only be formed through targeted education. In the future, the acquired qualities can be inherited by the mechanisms of evolutionary genetics, but this requires several generations. Thus, simple copying of inclusive institutions of the Anglo-Saxon tradition cannot lead to rapid changes in an unprepared society. Acemoglu and Robinson show this well using the example of African states. All peoples have their own distinctive features of different origins, which determine their purpose and role in different historical periods.